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AN ACCOUNT OF THE LIFE OF CAPTAIN SAMUEL JERVOIS (born circa 1620 - died 1694) In this paper, an attempt is made to link the known details of the life of Samuel Jervois with a chain of hypotheses which are based on a study of the people, places and events that made up the environment in which he lived. Although nothing is known of his origins, it is possible that he was born in a southern county of England, perhaps Kent, as there is evidence that on two occasions he was commissioned into units of the Kentish forces for Parliament. However, in a Chancery suit that is described later, he is given as being "of the City of London". Again, although nothing is yet known of his parentage or schooling, the evidence of his life as an administrator suggests that he had an adequate education for this work. It is possible that he may have been descended from the family of Gervaise le mercer of Exeter, whose grandson Walter Gervais was mayor of that city in 1236 and who assumed the arms: argent, six ostrich feathers sable. Members of that family were wealthy merchants with a continuous record of involvement in the affairs of Exeter from 1160 until about 1500, after which time they faded into obscurity. The reason for suspecting that Samuel may have been descended from a cadet of the Exeter family is that the same coat of arms, but without tincture, is sculpted into the plasterwork of Brade House. However, as the same arms are illustrated in Guillim's Display of Heraldry, which was a popular reference work of that period, it seems just as likely that the family simply "adopted" the arms by their own authority, but reversed the tinctures, so as to have silver feathers on a black shield. It is in this form that the armorial bearings were confirmed to the family in 1978 by the Chief Herald of Ireland, on the evidence of ancient usage. It is the opinion of Rosemary ffolliott (co-author of "The Houses of Ireland", 1975) that Brade House was built about the year 1680. It is almost certain that it was built by Samuel as a home for his newly-wed younger son Joseph, and it remained in the possession of the family until 1794. The earliest record yet found of Captain Jervois occurs in the early years of the civil war between King Charles I and his Parliament. Shortly after the battle of Marston Moor (in 1644), Capt. Jervois commanded a troop of horse in the Parliamentary Army of the West, which was under the joint command of Sir William Waller and Sir Arthur Hazlerigg. As he was already a captain at this date, it is probable that he had had considerable military experience, and may have been a soldier since the start of the war in 1642. His troop was one of three which were the financial responsibility of the Joint County Committee of Surrey, Sussex and Hampshire. It is a curious fact that there was another Captain Jervois in the same army at that time - Richard Jervois, and there is some difficulty in establishing which records refer to which captain. However, Richard was taken prisoner by the Royalist Army at Basingstoke in July 1644, and was not released until October of that year. This is important because it shows that the first record we have, dated the 12th September, 1644, must refer to Capt. Samuel Jervois, unless there was yet another "Captain Jervois". On that day he was sent to London by General Sir William Waller with a message for the Parliamentary Committee for Both Kingdoms. It was an urgent request for money with which to pay the troops. Two days later, he returned with a Parliamentary promise for approval of the request. On the 24th September, General Waller reported to Parliament that some of Jervois' troop had deserted and that, for want of money, others would follow. This was a fairly common situation for both sides as fund-raising was difficult and most soldiers did not feel obliged to serve beyond the boundary of their particular county for any great length of time. On the 17th June, 1645, as the commander of a troop of Kentish horse, he was instructed by the Committee for Both Kingdoms to march from Guildford to Romsey under the command of Colonel A. Popham, in order to join Colonel Massie's forces for the projected relief of Taunton. He probably fought at the battle of Langport on the 10th July, and may have continued in the campaign for southern and western England until its culmination with the fall of Oxford in June, 1646. In September, 1647, the Committee of Both Houses for Irish Affairs decided to raise an additional four regiments of foot, each of a thousand men, in order to reinforce the Army in Munster of Lord Inchiquin. On the 18th of that month, the Committee approved a commission for Samuel Jervois to be a captain in the regiment to be commanded by Colonel Richard Townsend, for service in Ireland. He was recommended for this commission by Sir Hardress Waller, the colonel of a regiment of the parliamentary Army in western England, and a cousin to Sir William Waller. It seems logical that Samuel should have served under Sir Hardress Waller before being recommended in this manner. The regiment proceeded immediately to Ireland and joined Lord Inchiquin at Cork on the 28th September. Thus reinforced, he was able to proceed against the Catholic Confederate army which he then defeated at the battle of Knock-na-Nuss, near Kanturk, on the 13th November, 1647, in which Colonel Townsend's regiment formed part of the centre formation of the English army. On the 3rd April, 1648, at Mallow, Lord Inchiquin decided to defect from the Parliamentary cause and declared his allegiance to the King. Having secured the adherence of the majority of his officers, he summoned the remainder to the presence-chamber of Mallow Castle and asked them to join with him. The few who refused, including Samuel, were driven from their commands and were obliged to return to England. On arrival in London, he prepared a statement of account for his services in Ireland (amounting to 387 pounds, 19 shillings and 4 pence), which was duly presented on the 3rd of May for consideration by the Irish Affairs Committee. On the 11th of May, it was decided to pay him (and the others) by means of a debenture for two thirds of the amount owing, one third being held back ..."lest money had already been paid in Ireland". It is possible that, for the next few months, he was attached to the Tower of London regiment, as "the wicked guard of halberdiers" who surrounded the scaffold at the execution of King Charles I were drawn from that unit. Both he and Colonel Robert Phayre, with whom he had served in Ireland, were appointed to the Halberdiers for the event of the 30th of January, 1649. Sir Hardress Waller was one of those who signed the death warrant. Shortly after this, Parliament decided to send an expedition to Ireland. Oliver Cromwell was appointed commander, and the objective was the total subjection of that country to English rule. In May, 1649, Samuel Jervois was given a commission as a captain in a regiment which was formed from the Kentish forces and commanded by Colonel Robert Phayre. On the 7th of June they were dined by the City of London and they left there on the 11th of July to embark from Milford Haven on the 15th of August. It was originally intended that part of Cromwell's army, including Phayre's regiment, would head straight for Youghal, where it was expected that the Royalist governor, Percy Smyth, would surrender the town in accordance with a clandestine arrangement. This plan was foiled when Lord Inchiquin arrested Smyth so, after laying off the Youghal coast for six days, Ireton took his ships to Dublin to join up with Cromwell. As is well known, Cromwell marched north to Drogheda and, after a brief siege, slaughtered the inhabitants. From here he turned south and took Wexford in a similar manner before moving down to lay siege to Waterford city. They were held up for some time here, and were based at New Ross in Waterford harbour. Soon after their arrival at New Ross, it was heard that Cork city had revolted. Cromwell immediately dispatched Colonel Phayre with a force of 500 foot to take possession of the city. They sailed for Cork in the "Garland", a third-rate warship, together with a merchant ship which had recently been captured. On the way, they met up with Colonel Townsend, who had escaped from Cork harbour in the "Nonsuch". Taking his advice, they landed at Youghal and were able to persuade the mayor to yield the town unconditionally. A body of 200 men was left to secure Youghal whilst the remainder marched overland to Cork which, by surprise, they took successfully. During the early part of 1650, Samuel was probably a member of the Cork garrison, as Colonel Phayre had been appointed Governor of the city. On the 10th of April, his regiment took part in the battle of Macroom, under Lord Broghill. He must have returned to England after this, for on the 24th of August, 1651, he was married to Lattis Wescombe, daughter of George Wescombe of Barnstaple, by his wife Genifry Lugg. Lattis was then 29 years old. The Wescombes were a well-established family of North Devon gentry. Lattis' father may have been the same person as the "George Wescombe of Linridge in Devonshire", who was one of the unfortunate Royalists who were obliged to "compound" for their estates at the close of the civil war. This amounted to a fine, in this case that of 216 pounds, for having belonged to the losing side; the alternative was to have his estates confiscated. Almost immediately after his marriage he was employed again on army duty, when he was required to conduct a company of Colonel Gibbon's regiment to Scotland. This took six weeks to accomplish, for which he was paid 51 pounds and 9 shillings on the 27th of October, 1651. Colonel Gibbon's regiment was raised in 1650 and used initially as a recruiting unit to produce replacements for the Scottish garrisons. Nothing else has yet been discovered of Samuel's life between his marriage and the spring of 1654 but, as he continued to hold a commission in Colonel Phayre's regiment, it is reasonable to suggest that he divided his time between Cork and Barnstaple, between which ports a considerable trade was maintained in that period of history. The fact that he fathered five children during the four years of his marriage would suggest that he spent rather more time in Barnstaple than Ireland. Parish records for Barnstaple in the Commonwealth period are fragmentary, but we know that his children Samuel, Joseph, Jacob and Lattis were born during this period. The only record of birth that has survived is that of Benjamin, who was born in July 1655, shortly before his mother's death. The only baptismal record is for Samuel (jnr), and this did not take place until the 24th of April, 1664, when he was probably about 12 years old. A possible reason for this late baptism was that Samuel (snr) might have been an Anabaptist, as were a large number of those who were sent to Ireland. Capt Samuel Jervois was made a Justice of the Peace for County Cork on the 16th of March, 1654, and was appointed as a Commissioner for Transplantation for that county on the 12th of May following. As a commissioner, his main task was to cause those native Irish who were not to be transplanted to gather into villages of not less than 30 families, that they might be protected from "tories" (bandits). The reconquest of Ireland by Cromwell had marked the start of a major change of policy in the English attempts to govern that country. Previous waves of English settlement had resulted in the settlers being gradually absorbed by their environment, in their adoption of Irish manners, costume and even language as they intermingled and interbred. An exception to this pattern was the then recent settlement of Ulster with Scottish families in the reign of King James I. The reason for that exception was that it was a Protestant settlement, and quite deliberately so. It resulted in the uprising in 1641 in which it was said that the native Catholics had attempted to eradicate the immigrant Protestants. The tales of horror which reached England were accepted uncritically as a basis for the retribution which Cromwell inflicted upon the whole country. The military conquest was to be followed by the transplantation of most Catholic landowners to the extreme western region of that country. Those who remained (mainly workers) were to be gathered into settlements where they could be properly supervised and persuaded to adopt the English language and religion. That was the theory, and in an attempt to implement this efficiently in County Cork, a small number of officers were seconded from the army to act as administrators, especially as the normal structure of civilian authority had broken down totally in 1645. In Cork city this was not restored until 1656 and this was probably similar in other centres. The pacification of Ireland was completed during 1653 and the government was then anxious to cut its expenses by disbanding the army in Ireland as soon as possible. The army was owed a large amount in arrears of pay and it was decided to issue debentures to the soldiers which would be redeemed by grants of land from that which had been confiscated from the Catholics. It was hoped that this would not only resolve the debt, but also ensure the settlement of a large number of Protestants in that country, thus leading to its total conversion from Catholicism. This did not come about, partly because most of the private soldiers had no desire to settle in a foreign country and were glad to sell their debentures to their officers. On the 22nd of May, 1654, Capt. Jervois' company was granted 2506 plantation acres in counties Cork and Wexford. This would be the equivalent of 4060 statute acres. It is known that he was given land in the parishes of Kilrush and Moyacomb, which are in county Wexford. The modern names for the townlands that he acquired are Borris, Kiltilly, Knocknelour, Dromderry and Garryhaskin, with an area amounting to 3053 statute acres. It should be noted that the term "townland" refers to a territorial sub-division of a parish. In the same way, the civil parish is a division of a barony, which is a division of a county. O'Hart states that Samuel Jervois was granted land in the parish of Myross, in county Cork. If so, then this may have been the townland of Brade, which has an area of 591 statute acres, and it would indicate that he had bought out the interest of most of his company. The latter half of the year 1655 was a time of tragedy for Samuel. His youngest child Benjamin was born on the 26th of July but his wife Lattis died on the 26th of September, followed by his daughter Lattis on the 24th of October and baby Benjamin on the 1st of November. It seems probable that he remained in Barnstaple during this period, as he appears to have resigned his appointment as commissioner of transplantation, to which he was re-appointed on the 10th of March, 1656. On the 21st of March he left a locked chest, containing silver plate, with his brother-in- law, Captain William Wescombe, and signed an inventory of its contents. He entrusted his remaining children to the care of his unmarried sister-in-law, Hannah Wescombe of Barnstaple and set out again for Ireland. He was soon back in Barnstaple, as on 26th of June he commenced a Chancery suit to attempt to recover that which he considered to be due to his late wife's estate from the intestate estate of one Richard Medford. From the surviving documents, it is shown that the case originated in 1648, and that his father-in-law was already dead at that time. In his suit, Samuel is described as a "gentleman of the city of London." As he had recently spent most of his time either in Barnstaple or in Ireland, this could be taken as evidence that London was his place of residence before joining the army, and possibly his birthplace. Two of the defendants in the suit were members of his mother-in-law's family, the Luggs, and it seems possible that her mother had been a Miss Medford. All of the families involved, Medford, Peard, Lugg and Wescombe, were Barnstaple folk. He was probably still in Barnstaple for the law-suit when he suffered the death of his son Jacob on the 22nd of July, 1656. Soon after this he travelled to London and on the 9th of September he presented a petition to the Council of State. In it, he stated that he had never been paid for his service in England because, when he was sent to Ireland, he left his accounts with friends in England, and therefore could not present them to the Commissioners in Ireland, who were appointed to settle claims, within the time limit laid down. His claim was approved on the 13th of September. He went back to Cork in March, 1657. At this stage of the story, it might be useful to consider the general environment of County Cork at that time. There were no paved roads, but rough cart tracks connected the main centres of English influence. These were the city of Cork and towns such as Youghal, Kinsale, Clonkilty and Bandon. All except the last of these are on the coast, so that the small sailing vessel and the pack-horse were the usual and swiftest means of travel and trading between the centres. Even Bandon had access to the sea from the quayside of Shippool, a few miles downstream on the Bandon river. The vast majority of people never travelled further than the nearest market- place, and then by foot. The more affluent would travel on horseback and it was a basic requirement that one's education should include horsemanship. Until the latter part of the 17th century, County Cork was generally well- wooded and had a large population of wolves. The main centres were the fortified towns; these had watchtowers linked by high walls which encircled the settlement. The gates of the town would be closed at dusk, watchmen would patrol the streets and parapets, and the gates would re-open at a respectable hour for daily traffic. Communication between the towns and the smaller centres was either by coast or by bridle-path. Either was dangerous, as the coast was susceptible to the Algerian pirates and the forests were infested with wolves and tories. The countryside was controlled by tribal Irish lords, such as the O'Donovan and O'Sullivan Beare in the west, and "Hibernicised" Normans such as de Courcy in the east. Most English people lived in the towns and practised their trades or engaged in commerce. Clonakilty and Bandon had been established recently by English entrepreneurs, the former by Fane Beecher and the latter by the great Earl of Cork, Richard Boyle. The few Englishmen who lived outside the towns stayed in the fortified houses and small castles which dominated the countryside. To the people of England, it was considered just as hazardous and uncomfortable to emigrate to Ireland as to do so to America, and there were individuals who tried first one and then the other. The "Great Census" of Ireland, which was carried out in the year 1659, shows that Samuel was the "titulado" (proprietor) of the townlands of Aughtobredmore and Aughtobredbeg (modern spelling is Aghatubrid More and Beg) in the parish of Kilfaughnabeg. This is between the villages of Glandore and Leap and only about a mile from Brade. The townlands amounted to 430 statute acres and Aughtobredmore included Glandore Castle, the home of his future wife Martha Salmon and her family. When the census was taken, there were 5 English and 32 Irish on his estate, a considerable community, but unfortunately only Samuel was identified by name in the census. Following the restoration of King Charles II in 1660, the fortunes of many Cromwellian settlers changed for the worse. Because of his attendance at the execution of King Charles I, Samuel's lands in County Wexford were declared forfeit to the Crown, upon the petition of James Buck in July, 1661. Buck was one of the many Royalists who were seeking recompense for their loyalty. In his Declaration of the 30th of November, 1660, the King had specifically excluded from pardon any "who were of the Guard of Halbertiers, assisting to put the Bloody Sentence of Death in Execution upon the 30th of January, 1648 "(1649). Fortunately, nobody bothered to lay claim to his County Cork estates, possibly because they were situated in very dangerous territory, on the outer edge of the area under English control. Also, as a former soldier, he was probably expected to assist in the maintenance of law and order. The was an old Irish saying, "beyond the Leap, beyond the law", and the outer boundary of his estates stretched about a mile beyond this point, which was a deep gully in the main coastal bridle-path which could only be traversed with difficulty. For the next few years, he quietly consolidated his position at Glandore. In 1662, Daniel O'Donovan of Carrigillihy mortgaged two ploughlands to him for the sum of two hundred pounds. Unfortunately, the original parchment is damaged and the identity of the lands is missing. A ploughland is an old term for a townland, and is reckoned to be that area which may be cultivated by a team of six horses during the course of a year, together with any intervening moor, bog or mountain. In this way, the overall area of ploughlands or townlands varied considerably, but the amount of arable land was similar. He maintained contact with his family in Barnstaple and would probably have been present at his son Samuel's baptism, which was recorded in Barnstaple parish church on the 24th of April, 1664. There must have been some profound cause for delaying this event until the boy was probably 12 years old, though very normal perhaps, if Samuel (snr) had Anabaptist beliefs. The childrens' Aunt Hannah Wescombe may have died in the meantime, for from about the year 1662, they were cared for by their uncle, Captain William Wescombe, also of Barnstaple. Whilst expanding his agricultural and business interests, he found time to involve himself in the government of the Borough of Clonakilty, which was the administrative centre for the area. He would have been elected a freeman and burgess of the corporation, as he is listed as a burgess in the earliest surviving records of the town. In the year 1669 he was married to Martha Salmon, the daughter and co-heiress of Captain Joseph Salmon of Glandore Castle. An indenture that was signed between them on the 29th of March was probably the terms of the marriage settlement. It is possible that the townland of Drom (211 acres) came into the family at this time, as this was their home thereafter. Samuel's two sons were now about 19 years old and they were escorted over to Ireland by their uncle Jacob Wescombe. It seems that they had been expected to bring the chest of silverware that had been left in the care of their uncle William Wescombe. When this failed to happen, Martha, accompanied by a male servant, went over to Barnstaple and removed some of the contents of the chest. A servant of the Wescombe's later claimed that Martha's servant had concealed some of the silver articles in his breeches. However, she signed a receipt for that which she took back to Ireland. Martha had a sister, Mary, who was married firstly to Vincent Gookin, the Surveyor-General of Ireland. He died in 1659 and she was married in 1662 to Colonel Thomas Sadlier. Both of her husbands were influential men, and Colonel Sadlier could have helped to protect Samuel's interests during the period following the Restoration. Captain Joseph Salmon has been described previously in our family records as "James Salmon" and it as such that he appears in the Sadlier family records. The name Salmon occurs quite frequently in West Cork records for this period, so it is possible that they were all of the same family. On the 20th of June, 1631, James Salmon of Castle Haven reported the presence of Algerian pirates to the authorities at Kinsale. On the 27th of March, 1632, Sir William St Leger, the Lord President of Munster, reported that, amongst other precautions against Turkish pirates, the castle at Castle Haven was secured by Mr Salmon. He had raised a fort and mounted ordnance upon it. Fourteen years later in 1645, Castle Haven was commanded by the Parliamentarian, Robert Salmon. On the 20th of September, 1636, Morchertagh McDonnell oge O'Donovan of Cloghtadevally (the old name for Glandore Castle) gave a lease to Alice Salmon, widow, and Samuel Salmon also of Cloghtadevally. The lease was for the three ploughlands of Aughtubredmore, Aughtubredbeg and Rushane, in the parish of Kilfaughnabeg, for 52 years, in consideration of six hundred pounds cash and fifteen shillings per annum for the first nine years. The prerogative will of James Suffolk Salmon of Castlehaven was proved in 1634, whilst that of Alice Salmon of Kilfaughnabeg was proved in 1640. Captain Joseph Salmon was possibly the son of James and Alice, and brother to Samuel Salmon. He was one of those who claimed compensation for loss of property during the rebellion of 1642. This could indicate that he was not much older than Captain Jervois, who had been acquainted with the family for at least the past ten years. In the year 1670, Samuel Jervois was one of the signatories of a Loyal Address from the City and County of Cork to Charles II. Although the surviving records for the Borough of Clonakilty only start in the year 1675, Dorothea Townsend gives the 17th of April, 1670 as the date on which Samuel was one of three candidates for the office of Sovereign, or mayor of the town. As he was invited to sign the loyal address, it seems likely that he was elected as Sovereign for that year. The electoral system was that the burgesses should nominate three of their colleagues to be submitted to the Earl of Cork who, as Lord of the Borough, had the right to choose one from the list. Samuel is mentioned again as a burgess in 1675, and regularly thereafter until shortly before his death in 1694. In Clonakilty, as in all free boroughs in Ireland, the Sovereign and burgesses were chosen more from the local gentry rather than from the inhabitants, although the gentry probably had financial interests there. On the 25th of October, 1676, his sons Samuel and Joseph were sworn in as Freemen of the Borough. Samuel (jnr) would probably have been about 24 years old, and his brother Joseph a year younger. In 1679, on the 18th of October, Captain Jervois was sworn in as the Sovereign of Clonakilty. During his year of office, his son Joseph was married to Elizabeth, daughter of Captain John Freke of Bandon. As mentioned earlier, Brade House was probably built for them at this time. Three years later, his son Samuel was married to Alice Freke, sister to Elizabeth. To celebrate the wedding, young Samuel was given title to the chest of silver that was still with his uncle William Wescombe, together with the promise of the eventual inheritance of half of his father's estate, including Droome (Drom) the original family homestead. A small 17th century house remained recently on this townland, on the eastern border of the village of Leap. Through these marriages, the family became connected to several prominent County Cork families, including those of Bernard, Poole, Smythe, Beamish and Hewitt. Samuel continued to be active as a burgess of Clonakilty until at least October, 1684 but, with the accession of the Catholic King James II in 1685, the Protestants were turned out of office all over Ireland. Life became increasingly difficult, especially for those of Cromwellian origin. Samuel stuck it out for as long as possible, but eventually joined a group of gentlefolk from the area, and travelled to Chester to take refuge. It was probably just before he left Droome that he wrote a letter to his brother-in- law William Wescombe, on the 8th of January, 1688. In the list of Chester Refugees, he is shown as having no family with him, and as being in receipt of an annual income of 120 pounds. This could indicate that he had again become a widower, although there is no record of Martha's death. At about the same time, Samuel (jnr) went to Barnstaple and was evidently received with affection and given hospitality for at least three months. It is not known what became of Joseph or of either of their wives during this period. It is rather sad that Samuel (jnr) repaid the hospitality with a law suit, which he commenced in August of 1690, in which he attempted to regain possession of the family silver. As yet, the outcome has not been discovered. Captain Jervois returned to Ireland when it was safe to do so, resumed his duties as a burgess, and on the 14th of September, 1692, he took part in the election of Colonel Percy Freke and Francis Bernard to be Members of Parliament for the borough. His son Samuel accompanied him in this election, having also been elected a burgess. The last recorded act of Captain Samuel Jervois was to sign the Oath of Supremacy in the Council Book of Clonakilty on the 18th of September, 1693. He died shortly after this, as his diocesan Will, indicating that he owned property in only one diocese, (that of Cork and Ross), was proved in 1694. In reviewing the life of Samuel, it may be observed that his talent as an administrator was frequently employed. Most of his acquaintances originated from the southern counties of England, especially Kent and Devon, and several of them are recorded as being Anabaptists, Muggletonians or Quakers. It is safe to assume that he leant towards this area of religious conviction, although his descendants conformed to the disciplines of the Church of Ireland. Half a century after Samuel's death, the writer Dr. Charles Smith takes note of "the extensive plantations of Mr. Jervois of Brade". It would appear that the foundations of these were laid with the energy and enterprise with which Samuel endowed his sons. It would be difficult to find a better monument to his endeavours. William Jervois Albany Museum Somerset Street Grahamstown 6139 South Africa Sixth Edition July, 1997 REFERENCES Abbreviations and Select Bibliography: Betham: William Betham's pedigrees; unpublished manuscript in the Genealogical Office, Dublin Castle. Bennet: "History of Bandon"; Bennet, G.; reprint, Fercor Press, Cork, 1973 Burke: Burke's Landed Gentry of Ireland CSP: Calendar of State Papers CSPD: Calendar of State Papers (Domestic) CSPI: Calendar of State Papers (Ireland) CHAS: Journal of the Cork Historical and Archeological Society, 2nd series DNB: Dictionary of National Biography Dring: "A Catalogue of the Lords, Knights and Gentlemen that have Compounded for their Estates"; Dring, T.; London, 1655 Dunlop: "Ireland under the Commonwealth"; Dunlop, R., Manchester University, 1913 ffolliott: "The Pooles of Mayfield"; ffolliott,R.; Dublin, 1958 Firth: "The Regimental History of Cromwell's Army"; Firth, C.H. & Davies, G.; Clarendon, Oxford, 1940 Fraser: "Cromwell, Our Best of Men", Fraser, A., London, 1973 Gardiner: "A History of the Commonwealth & Protectorate"; Gardiner, S.R., London, 1894 Gibson: "A History of the County and City of Cork"; Gibson, C.B.; reprint, Fercor Press, Cork, 1974 McLysaght: "Irish Life in the 17th Century", McLysaght, E., Dublin, 1969 O'Brien: "Munster at War", O'Brien, B., Cork, 1971 O'Hart: a. "Irish Pedigrees", O'Hart, J., reprint Baltimore (U.S.A.), 1976 b. "The Irish & Anglo-Irish Landed Gentry when Cromwell came to Ireland", reprint Shannon, 1968 Phillimore: Indexes to Irish Wills", Phillimore, W., and Thrift, G., reprint 1970, Baltimore U.S.A) Prendergast: "The Cromwellian Settlement of Ireland"; Prendergast, J.P., Dublin, 1922 Pinder: "The Census of Ireland", ed. Pinder, S. Prince: "The Worthies of Devon" PRO: Public Record Office, London. Rogers: "Battles and Generals of the Civil War"; Rogers, H.C.B., London, 1968 Round: "The Ancestor", ed. J.H. Round, London, 1902-1905 Seymour: "The Puritans in Ireland", Seymour, St J.D., reprint, Oxford, 1969 Smith: History of Cork", Dr. C. Smith, reprint, Cork, 1973 Vicars: "The Prerogative Wills of Ireland", Vicars, A; Dublin, 1897 |
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Endnotes: 1. Devon & Cornwall Notes & Queries, XVII 78 2. Prince, p. 408 3. Guillim, p. 217 4. correspondence, 23rd November, 1965 5. CSPD (PRO 1/102 ERD 2645) p. 495 6 . Round, Vol. 3, p. 6 7. CSPD (PRO 1/102 ERD 2645) p. 495 8. ibid, pp. 504 & 505 9. ibid, p. 532 10. ibid, (1/103) pp. 597 & 598 11. CSPI (PRO 19/94 ERD 2645) pp. 512, 514 & 515 12. Smith, Vol. 2, p. 160 13. D.N.B., sub "Townsend, Richard" 14. Prendergast, p. 192 15. CSPI (PRO 19/89 ERD 2645) pp. 15, 16 & 17 16. a: Dunlop, p. 575n ; b: CSPI, (PRO 19/94 ERD 2645) p. 415 17. a: CHAS, Vol. 20, p. 150 b: Firth, Vol. 2, p. 654 18. Fraser, p. 319 et seq. 19. Gardiner, Vol. 1, p. 118 20. Gibson, Vol. 2, pp. 98 - 101 21. O'Brien; page 151 22. Barnstaple parish register transcript, Soc. of Genealogists, London 23. Dring 24. CSPD, p. 588 25. Rogers, p. 301 26. CHAS, February, 1899 27. Dunlop, p. 425 28. CHAS, Vol. 21, p. 47 29. a: Books of Survey and Distribution, Wexford, pp 260 & 261 b: Index to the Townlands....of Ireland; Dublin, 1861 30. O'Hart, (a) Vol. 1, p. 200 31. Dunlop, p. 575 32. John Jervois' research into Chancery records 33. CSP (PRO 1/116 ERD 2645) p. 103 34. CSP (ADDENDA) (PRO 19/89 ERD 2645) p. 831 35. John Jervois' research in Chancery records 36. Pinder, p. 221 37. CSPI (PRO 19/94 ERD 2465) p. 415 38. O'Hart (b), p. 431 39. PRO (Dublin) - The O'Donovan documents, M7051 (14) 40. Betham 41. CHAS Vol. 1, No. 9, p. 391 42. Burke (1976), p. 622 43. Smith, Vol. 1, p. 271 44. Smith, Vol. 2, p. 156 45. PRO (Dublin) The O'Donovan documents, M7051 (8) 46 . Vicars, p. 413 47. John Jervois' research into the Depositions of Munster (TCD) 48. Betham 49. CHAS, Vol. 1, No. 9, p. 355. 50. CHAS, Vol. 1, p. 391 51. CHAS, Vol. 1, p. 393 52. Cork Marriage Licence Bonds 53. ibid. 54. John Jervois' research into Chancery records 55. a. Bennet, p. 262 b. "Index to the Chester Refugees", Trinity College, Dublin 56. John Jervois' research into Chancery records 57. CHAS, Vol. 1, No. 9, p. 399 58. ibid, p. 349 59. Phillimore, sub "Cork & Ross" 60. Smith, Vol. 1, p. 263 |