GUESTBOOK

AN ACCOUNT OF THE LIFE OF CAPTAIN SAMUEL JERVOIS

(born circa 1620 - died 1694)

In this paper, an attempt is made to link the known details of the life of
Samuel Jervois with a chain of hypotheses which are based on a study of the
people, places and events that made up the environment in which he lived.

Although nothing is known of his origins, it is possible that he was born in a
southern county of England, perhaps Kent, as there is evidence that on two
occasions he was commissioned into units of the Kentish forces for Parliament.
However, in a Chancery suit that is described later, he is given as being "of
the City of London". Again, although nothing is yet known of his parentage
or schooling, the evidence of his life as an administrator suggests that he
had an adequate education for this work.

It is possible that he may have been descended from the family of Gervaise le
mercer of Exeter, whose grandson Walter Gervais was mayor of that city in
1236 and who assumed the arms: argent, six ostrich feathers sable.
Members of that family were wealthy merchants with a continuous record of
involvement in the affairs of Exeter from 1160 until about 1500, after which
time they faded into obscurity. The reason for suspecting that Samuel may
have been descended from a cadet of the Exeter family is that the same coat of
arms, but without tincture, is sculpted into the plasterwork of Brade House.

However, as the same arms are illustrated in Guillim's Display of Heraldry,
which was a popular reference work of that period, it seems just as likely
that the family simply "adopted" the arms by their own authority, but reversed
the tinctures, so as to have silver feathers on a black shield. It is in
this form that the armorial bearings were confirmed to the family in 1978 by
the Chief Herald of Ireland, on the evidence of ancient usage.

It is the opinion of Rosemary ffolliott (co-author of "The Houses of
Ireland", 1975) that Brade House was built about the year 1680. It is almost
certain that it was built by Samuel as a home for his newly-wed younger son
Joseph, and it remained in the possession of the family until 1794.

The earliest record yet found of Captain Jervois occurs in the early years of
the civil war between King Charles I and his Parliament. Shortly after the
battle of Marston Moor (in 1644), Capt. Jervois commanded a troop of horse in
the Parliamentary Army of the West, which was under the joint command of Sir
William Waller and Sir Arthur Hazlerigg. As he was already a captain at this
date, it is probable that he had had considerable military experience, and may
have been a soldier since the start of the war in 1642. His troop was one of
three which were the financial responsibility of the Joint County Committee of
Surrey, Sussex and Hampshire.

It is a curious fact that there was another Captain Jervois in the same army
at that time - Richard Jervois, and there is some difficulty in establishing
which records refer to which captain. However, Richard was taken prisoner by
the Royalist Army at Basingstoke in July 1644, and was not released until
October of that year. This is important because it shows that the first
record we have, dated the 12th September, 1644, must refer to Capt. Samuel
Jervois, unless there was yet another "Captain Jervois". On that day he was
sent to London by General Sir William Waller with a message for the
Parliamentary Committee for Both Kingdoms. It was an urgent request for money
with which to pay the troops. Two days later, he returned with a
Parliamentary promise for approval of the request. On the 24th September,
General Waller reported to Parliament that some of Jervois' troop had deserted
and that, for want of money, others would follow.

This was a fairly common situation for both sides as fund-raising was
difficult and most soldiers did not feel obliged to serve beyond the boundary
of their particular county for any great length of time.

On the 17th June, 1645, as the commander of a troop of Kentish horse, he was
instructed by the Committee for Both Kingdoms to march from Guildford to
Romsey under the command of Colonel A. Popham, in order to join Colonel
Massie's forces for the projected relief of Taunton. He probably fought at
the battle of Langport on the 10th July, and may have continued in the
campaign for southern and western England until its culmination with the fall
of Oxford in June, 1646.

In September, 1647, the Committee of Both Houses for Irish Affairs decided to
raise an additional four regiments of foot, each of a thousand men, in order
to reinforce the Army in Munster of Lord Inchiquin. On the 18th of that
month, the Committee approved a commission for Samuel Jervois to be a captain
in the regiment to be commanded by Colonel Richard Townsend, for service in
Ireland. He was recommended for this commission by Sir Hardress Waller, the
colonel of a regiment of the parliamentary Army in western England, and a
cousin to Sir William Waller. It seems logical that Samuel should have
served under Sir Hardress Waller before being recommended in this manner.

The regiment proceeded immediately to Ireland and joined Lord Inchiquin at
Cork on the 28th September. Thus reinforced, he was able to proceed
against the Catholic Confederate army which he then defeated at the battle of
Knock-na-Nuss, near Kanturk, on the 13th November, 1647, in which Colonel
Townsend's regiment formed part of the centre formation of the English
army.

On the 3rd April, 1648, at Mallow, Lord Inchiquin decided to defect from the
Parliamentary cause and declared his allegiance to the King. Having secured
the adherence of the majority of his officers, he summoned the remainder to
the presence-chamber of Mallow Castle and asked them to join with him. The
few who refused, including Samuel, were driven from their commands and were
obliged to return to England.

On arrival in London, he prepared a statement of account for his services in
Ireland (amounting to 387 pounds, 19 shillings and 4 pence), which was duly
presented on the 3rd of May for consideration by the Irish Affairs Committee.
On the 11th of May, it was decided to pay him (and the others) by means of a
debenture for two thirds of the amount owing, one third being held back
..."lest money had already been paid in Ireland".

It is possible that, for the next few months, he was attached to the Tower of
London regiment, as "the wicked guard of halberdiers" who surrounded the
scaffold at the execution of King Charles I were drawn from that unit. Both
he and Colonel Robert Phayre, with whom he had served in Ireland, were
appointed to the Halberdiers for the event of the 30th of January, 1649. Sir
Hardress Waller was one of those who signed the death warrant.

Shortly after this, Parliament decided to send an expedition to Ireland.
Oliver Cromwell was appointed commander, and the objective was the total
subjection of that country to English rule. In May, 1649, Samuel Jervois was
given a commission as a captain in a regiment which was formed from the
Kentish forces and commanded by Colonel Robert Phayre. On the 7th of June
they were dined by the City of London and they left there on the 11th of July
to embark from Milford Haven on the 15th of August.

It was originally intended that part of Cromwell's army, including Phayre's
regiment, would head straight for Youghal, where it was expected that the
Royalist governor, Percy Smyth, would surrender the town in accordance with a
clandestine arrangement. This plan was foiled when Lord Inchiquin arrested
Smyth so, after laying off the Youghal coast for six days, Ireton took his
ships to Dublin to join up with Cromwell.

As is well known, Cromwell marched north to Drogheda and, after a brief siege,
slaughtered the inhabitants. From here he turned south and took Wexford in a
similar manner before moving down to lay siege to Waterford city. They were
held up for some time here, and were based at New Ross in Waterford harbour.

Soon after their arrival at New Ross, it was heard that Cork city had
revolted. Cromwell immediately dispatched Colonel Phayre with a force of 500
foot to take possession of the city. They sailed for Cork in the "Garland",
a third-rate warship, together with a merchant ship which had recently been
captured. On the way, they met up with Colonel Townsend, who had escaped
from Cork harbour in the "Nonsuch". Taking his advice, they landed at
Youghal and were able to persuade the mayor to yield the town unconditionally.
A body of 200 men was left to secure Youghal whilst the remainder marched
overland to Cork which, by surprise, they took successfully.

During the early part of 1650, Samuel was probably a member of the Cork
garrison, as Colonel Phayre had been appointed Governor of the city. On the
10th of April, his regiment took part in the battle of Macroom, under Lord
Broghill.

He must have returned to England after this, for on the 24th of August, 1651,
he was married to Lattis Wescombe, daughter of George Wescombe of Barnstaple,
by his wife Genifry Lugg. Lattis was then 29 years old. The Wescombes
were a well-established family of North Devon gentry. Lattis' father may
have been the same person as the "George Wescombe of Linridge in Devonshire",
who was one of the unfortunate Royalists who were obliged to "compound" for
their estates at the close of the civil war. This amounted to a fine, in
this case that of 216 pounds, for having belonged to the losing side; the
alternative was to have his estates confiscated.

Almost immediately after his marriage he was employed again on army duty, when
he was required to conduct a company of Colonel Gibbon's regiment to Scotland.
This took six weeks to accomplish, for which he was paid 51 pounds and 9
shillings on the 27th of October, 1651. Colonel Gibbon's regiment was
raised in 1650 and used initially as a recruiting unit to produce replacements
for the Scottish garrisons.

Nothing else has yet been discovered of Samuel's life between his marriage and
the spring of 1654 but, as he continued to hold a commission in Colonel
Phayre's regiment, it is reasonable to suggest that he divided his time
between Cork and Barnstaple, between which ports a considerable trade was
maintained in that period of history. The fact that he fathered five
children during the four years of his marriage would suggest that he spent
rather more time in Barnstaple than Ireland.

Parish records for Barnstaple in the Commonwealth period are fragmentary, but
we know that his children Samuel, Joseph, Jacob and Lattis were born during
this period. The only record of birth that has survived is that of Benjamin,
who was born in July 1655, shortly before his mother's death. The only
baptismal record is for Samuel (jnr), and this did not take place until the
24th of April, 1664, when he was probably about 12 years old. A possible
reason for this late baptism was that Samuel (snr) might have been an
Anabaptist, as were a large number of those who were sent to Ireland.

Capt Samuel Jervois was made a Justice of the Peace for County Cork on the
16th of March, 1654, and was appointed as a Commissioner for
Transplantation for that county on the 12th of May following. As a
commissioner, his main task was to cause those native Irish who were not to be
transplanted to gather into villages of not less than 30 families, that they
might be protected from "tories" (bandits).

The reconquest of Ireland by Cromwell had marked the start of a major change
of policy in the English attempts to govern that country. Previous waves of
English settlement had resulted in the settlers being gradually absorbed by
their environment, in their adoption of Irish manners, costume and even
language as they intermingled and interbred.

An exception to this pattern was the then recent settlement of Ulster with
Scottish families in the reign of King James I. The reason for that
exception was that it was a Protestant settlement, and quite deliberately so.
It resulted in the uprising in 1641 in which it was said that the native
Catholics had attempted to eradicate the immigrant Protestants. The tales of
horror which reached England were accepted uncritically as a basis for the
retribution which Cromwell inflicted upon the whole country.

The military conquest was to be followed by the transplantation of most
Catholic landowners to the extreme western region of that country. Those who
remained (mainly workers) were to be gathered into settlements where they
could be properly supervised and persuaded to adopt the English language and
religion. That was the theory, and in an attempt to implement this
efficiently in County Cork, a small number of officers were seconded from the
army to act as administrators, especially as the normal structure of civilian
authority had broken down totally in 1645. In Cork city this was not
restored until 1656 and this was probably similar in other centres.

The pacification of Ireland was completed during 1653 and the government was
then anxious to cut its expenses by disbanding the army in Ireland as soon as
possible. The army was owed a large amount in arrears of pay and it was
decided to issue debentures to the soldiers which would be redeemed by grants
of land from that which had been confiscated from the Catholics. It was
hoped that this would not only resolve the debt, but also ensure the
settlement of a large number of Protestants in that country, thus leading to
its total conversion from Catholicism. This did not come about, partly
because most of the private soldiers had no desire to settle in a foreign
country and were glad to sell their debentures to their officers.

On the 22nd of May, 1654, Capt. Jervois' company was granted 2506 plantation
acres in counties Cork and Wexford. This would be the equivalent of 4060
statute acres. It is known that he was given land in the parishes of Kilrush
and Moyacomb, which are in county Wexford. The modern names for the
townlands that he acquired are Borris, Kiltilly, Knocknelour, Dromderry and
Garryhaskin, with an area amounting to 3053 statute acres. It should be
noted that the term "townland" refers to a territorial sub-division of a
parish. In the same way, the civil parish is a division of a barony, which is
a division of a county.

O'Hart states that Samuel Jervois was granted land in the parish of Myross, in
county Cork. If so, then this may have been the townland of Brade, which
has an area of 591 statute acres, and it would indicate that he had bought out
the interest of most of his company.

The latter half of the year 1655 was a time of tragedy for Samuel. His
youngest child Benjamin was born on the 26th of July but his wife Lattis died
on the 26th of September, followed by his daughter Lattis on the 24th of
October and baby Benjamin on the 1st of November.

It seems probable that he remained in Barnstaple during this period, as he
appears to have resigned his appointment as commissioner of transplantation,
to which he was re-appointed on the 10th of March, 1656. On the 21st of
March he left a locked chest, containing silver plate, with his brother-in-
law, Captain William Wescombe, and signed an inventory of its contents. He
entrusted his remaining children to the care of his unmarried sister-in-law,
Hannah Wescombe of Barnstaple and set out again for Ireland.

He was soon back in Barnstaple, as on 26th of June he commenced a Chancery
suit to attempt to recover that which he considered to be due to his late
wife's estate from the intestate estate of one Richard Medford. From the
surviving documents, it is shown that the case originated in 1648, and that
his father-in-law was already dead at that time.

In his suit, Samuel is described as a "gentleman of the city of London." As
he had recently spent most of his time either in Barnstaple or in Ireland,
this could be taken as evidence that London was his place of residence before
joining the army, and possibly his birthplace.

Two of the defendants in the suit were members of his mother-in-law's family,
the Luggs, and it seems possible that her mother had been a Miss Medford.
All of the families involved, Medford, Peard, Lugg and Wescombe, were
Barnstaple folk.

He was probably still in Barnstaple for the law-suit when he suffered the
death of his son Jacob on the 22nd of July, 1656.

Soon after this he travelled to London and on the 9th of September he
presented a petition to the Council of State. In it, he stated that he
had never been paid for his service in England because, when he was sent to
Ireland, he left his accounts with friends in England, and therefore could not
present them to the Commissioners in Ireland, who were appointed to settle
claims, within the time limit laid down. His claim was approved on the 13th
of September. He went back to Cork in March, 1657.

At this stage of the story, it might be useful to consider the general
environment of County Cork at that time. There were no paved roads, but
rough cart tracks connected the main centres of English influence. These
were the city of Cork and towns such as Youghal, Kinsale, Clonkilty and
Bandon. All except the last of these are on the coast, so that the small
sailing vessel and the pack-horse were the usual and swiftest means of travel
and trading between the centres. Even Bandon had access to the sea from the
quayside of Shippool, a few miles downstream on the Bandon river.

The vast majority of people never travelled further than the nearest market-
place, and then by foot. The more affluent would travel on horseback and it
was a basic requirement that one's education should include horsemanship.
Until the latter part of the 17th century, County Cork was generally well-
wooded and had a large population of wolves. The main centres were the
fortified towns; these had watchtowers linked by high walls which encircled
the settlement. The gates of the town would be closed at dusk, watchmen
would patrol the streets and parapets, and the gates would re-open at a
respectable hour for daily traffic. Communication between the towns and the
smaller centres was either by coast or by bridle-path. Either was dangerous,
as the coast was susceptible to the Algerian pirates and the forests were
infested with wolves and tories. The countryside was controlled by tribal
Irish lords, such as the O'Donovan and O'Sullivan Beare in the west, and
"Hibernicised" Normans such as de Courcy in the east.

Most English people lived in the towns and practised their trades or engaged
in commerce. Clonakilty and Bandon had been established recently by English
entrepreneurs, the former by Fane Beecher and the latter by the great Earl of
Cork, Richard Boyle. The few Englishmen who lived outside the towns stayed
in the fortified houses and small castles which dominated the countryside.
To the people of England, it was considered just as hazardous and
uncomfortable to emigrate to Ireland as to do so to America, and there were
individuals who tried first one and then the other.

The "Great Census" of Ireland, which was carried out in the year 1659, shows
that Samuel was the "titulado" (proprietor) of the townlands of Aughtobredmore
and Aughtobredbeg (modern spelling is Aghatubrid More and Beg) in the
parish of Kilfaughnabeg. This is between the villages of Glandore and Leap
and only about a mile from Brade. The townlands amounted to 430 statute
acres and Aughtobredmore included Glandore Castle, the home of his future wife
Martha Salmon and her family. When the census was taken, there were 5
English and 32 Irish on his estate, a considerable community, but
unfortunately only Samuel was identified by name in the census.

Following the restoration of King Charles II in 1660, the fortunes of many
Cromwellian settlers changed for the worse. Because of his attendance at the
execution of King Charles I, Samuel's lands in County Wexford were declared
forfeit to the Crown, upon the petition of James Buck in July, 1661. Buck
was one of the many Royalists who were seeking recompense for their loyalty.
In his Declaration of the 30th of November, 1660, the King had specifically
excluded from pardon any "who were of the Guard of Halbertiers, assisting to
put the Bloody Sentence of Death in Execution upon the 30th of January,
1648 "(1649). Fortunately, nobody bothered to lay claim to his County Cork
estates, possibly because they were situated in very dangerous territory, on
the outer edge of the area under English control. Also, as a former soldier,
he was probably expected to assist in the maintenance of law and order. The
was an old Irish saying, "beyond the Leap, beyond the law", and the outer
boundary of his estates stretched about a mile beyond this point, which was a
deep gully in the main coastal bridle-path which could only be traversed with
difficulty.

For the next few years, he quietly consolidated his position at Glandore. In
1662, Daniel O'Donovan of Carrigillihy mortgaged two ploughlands to him for
the sum of two hundred pounds. Unfortunately, the original parchment is
damaged and the identity of the lands is missing. A ploughland is an old
term for a townland, and is reckoned to be that area which may be cultivated
by a team of six horses during the course of a year, together with any
intervening moor, bog or mountain. In this way, the overall area of
ploughlands or townlands varied considerably, but the amount of arable land
was similar.

He maintained contact with his family in Barnstaple and would probably have
been present at his son Samuel's baptism, which was recorded in Barnstaple
parish church on the 24th of April, 1664. There must have been some profound
cause for delaying this event until the boy was probably 12 years old, though
very normal perhaps, if Samuel (snr) had Anabaptist beliefs. The childrens'
Aunt Hannah Wescombe may have died in the meantime, for from about the year
1662, they were cared for by their uncle, Captain William Wescombe, also of
Barnstaple.

Whilst expanding his agricultural and business interests, he found time to
involve himself in the government of the Borough of Clonakilty, which was the
administrative centre for the area. He would have been elected a freeman and
burgess of the corporation, as he is listed as a burgess in the earliest
surviving records of the town.

In the year 1669 he was married to Martha Salmon, the daughter and co-heiress
of Captain Joseph Salmon of Glandore Castle. An indenture that was signed
between them on the 29th of March was probably the terms of the marriage
settlement. It is possible that the townland of Drom (211 acres) came
into the family at this time, as this was their home thereafter. Samuel's
two sons were now about 19 years old and they were escorted over to Ireland by
their uncle Jacob Wescombe. It seems that they had been expected to bring
the chest of silverware that had been left in the care of their uncle William
Wescombe. When this failed to happen, Martha, accompanied by a male servant,
went over to Barnstaple and removed some of the contents of the chest. A
servant of the Wescombe's later claimed that Martha's servant had concealed
some of the silver articles in his breeches. However, she signed a receipt
for that which she took back to Ireland.

Martha had a sister, Mary, who was married firstly to Vincent Gookin, the
Surveyor-General of Ireland. He died in 1659 and she was married in 1662
to Colonel Thomas Sadlier. Both of her husbands were influential men, and
Colonel Sadlier could have helped to protect Samuel's interests during the
period following the Restoration.

Captain Joseph Salmon has been described previously in our family records as
"James Salmon" and it as such that he appears in the Sadlier family records.
The name Salmon occurs quite frequently in West Cork records for this period,
so it is possible that they were all of the same family. On the 20th of
June, 1631, James Salmon of Castle Haven reported the presence of Algerian
pirates to the authorities at Kinsale. On the 27th of March, 1632, Sir
William St Leger, the Lord President of Munster, reported that, amongst other
precautions against Turkish pirates, the castle at Castle Haven was secured by
Mr Salmon. He had raised a fort and mounted ordnance upon it. Fourteen
years later in 1645, Castle Haven was commanded by the Parliamentarian, Robert
Salmon.

On the 20th of September, 1636, Morchertagh McDonnell oge O'Donovan of
Cloghtadevally (the old name for Glandore Castle) gave a lease to Alice
Salmon, widow, and Samuel Salmon also of Cloghtadevally. The lease was for
the three ploughlands of Aughtubredmore, Aughtubredbeg and Rushane, in the
parish of Kilfaughnabeg, for 52 years, in consideration of six hundred pounds
cash and fifteen shillings per annum for the first nine years. The
prerogative will of James Suffolk Salmon of Castlehaven was proved in 1634,
whilst that of Alice Salmon of Kilfaughnabeg was proved in 1640.

Captain Joseph Salmon was possibly the son of James and Alice, and brother to
Samuel Salmon. He was one of those who claimed compensation for loss of
property during the rebellion of 1642. This could indicate that he was not
much older than Captain Jervois, who had been acquainted with the family for
at least the past ten years.

In the year 1670, Samuel Jervois was one of the signatories of a Loyal
Address from the City and County of Cork to Charles II. Although the
surviving records for the Borough of Clonakilty only start in the year 1675,
Dorothea Townsend gives the 17th of April, 1670 as the date on which Samuel
was one of three candidates for the office of Sovereign, or mayor of the
town. As he was invited to sign the loyal address, it seems likely that
he was elected as Sovereign for that year.

The electoral system was that the burgesses should nominate three of their
colleagues to be submitted to the Earl of Cork who, as Lord of the Borough,
had the right to choose one from the list. Samuel is mentioned again as a
burgess in 1675, and regularly thereafter until shortly before his death in
1694. In Clonakilty, as in all free boroughs in Ireland, the Sovereign and
burgesses were chosen more from the local gentry rather than from the
inhabitants, although the gentry probably had financial interests there.

On the 25th of October, 1676, his sons Samuel and Joseph were sworn in as
Freemen of the Borough. Samuel (jnr) would probably have been about 24
years old, and his brother Joseph a year younger. In 1679, on the 18th of
October, Captain Jervois was sworn in as the Sovereign of Clonakilty.
During his year of office, his son Joseph was married to Elizabeth, daughter
of Captain John Freke of Bandon. As mentioned earlier, Brade House was
probably built for them at this time.

Three years later, his son Samuel was married to Alice Freke, sister to
Elizabeth. To celebrate the wedding, young Samuel was given title to the
chest of silver that was still with his uncle William Wescombe, together with
the promise of the eventual inheritance of half of his father's estate,
including Droome (Drom) the original family homestead. A small 17th
century house remained recently on this townland, on the eastern border of the
village of Leap. Through these marriages, the family became connected to
several prominent County Cork families, including those of Bernard, Poole,
Smythe, Beamish and Hewitt.

Samuel continued to be active as a burgess of Clonakilty until at least
October, 1684 but, with the accession of the Catholic King James II in 1685,
the Protestants were turned out of office all over Ireland. Life became
increasingly difficult, especially for those of Cromwellian origin. Samuel
stuck it out for as long as possible, but eventually joined a group of
gentlefolk from the area, and travelled to Chester to take refuge. It was
probably just before he left Droome that he wrote a letter to his brother-in-
law William Wescombe, on the 8th of January, 1688. In the list of Chester
Refugees, he is shown as having no family with him, and as being in receipt of
an annual income of 120 pounds. This could indicate that he had again become
a widower, although there is no record of Martha's death.

At about the same time, Samuel (jnr) went to Barnstaple and was evidently
received with affection and given hospitality for at least three months. It
is not known what became of Joseph or of either of their wives during this
period. It is rather sad that Samuel (jnr) repaid the hospitality with a law
suit, which he commenced in August of 1690, in which he attempted to regain
possession of the family silver. As yet, the outcome has not been discovered.

Captain Jervois returned to Ireland when it was safe to do so, resumed his
duties as a burgess, and on the 14th of September, 1692, he took part in the
election of Colonel Percy Freke and Francis Bernard to be Members of
Parliament for the borough. His son Samuel accompanied him in this
election, having also been elected a burgess.

The last recorded act of Captain Samuel Jervois was to sign the Oath of
Supremacy in the Council Book of Clonakilty on the 18th of September, 1693.
He died shortly after this, as his diocesan Will, indicating that he owned
property in only one diocese, (that of Cork and Ross), was proved in 1694.

In reviewing the life of Samuel, it may be observed that his talent as an
administrator was frequently employed. Most of his acquaintances originated
from the southern counties of England, especially Kent and Devon, and several
of them are recorded as being Anabaptists, Muggletonians or Quakers. It is
safe to assume that he leant towards this area of religious conviction,
although his descendants conformed to the disciplines of the Church of
Ireland. Half a century after Samuel's death, the writer Dr. Charles Smith
takes note of "the extensive plantations of Mr. Jervois of Brade". It
would appear that the foundations of these were laid with the energy and
enterprise with which Samuel endowed his sons. It would be difficult to find
a better monument to his endeavours.

William Jervois
Albany Museum
Somerset Street
Grahamstown
6139
South Africa

Sixth Edition
July, 1997

REFERENCES

Abbreviations and Select Bibliography:

Betham: William Betham's pedigrees; unpublished manuscript in the Genealogical Office, Dublin Castle.

Bennet: "History of Bandon"; Bennet, G.; reprint, Fercor Press, Cork, 1973

Burke: Burke's Landed Gentry of Ireland

CSP: Calendar of State Papers

CSPD: Calendar of State Papers (Domestic)

CSPI: Calendar of State Papers (Ireland)

CHAS: Journal of the Cork Historical and Archeological Society, 2nd series

DNB: Dictionary of National Biography

Dring: "A Catalogue of the Lords, Knights and Gentlemen that have Compounded for their Estates";
Dring, T.; London, 1655

Dunlop: "Ireland under the Commonwealth"; Dunlop, R., Manchester University, 1913

ffolliott: "The Pooles of Mayfield"; ffolliott,R.; Dublin, 1958

Firth: "The Regimental History of Cromwell's Army"; Firth, C.H. & Davies, G.; Clarendon, Oxford, 1940

Fraser: "Cromwell, Our Best of Men", Fraser, A., London, 1973

Gardiner: "A History of the Commonwealth & Protectorate"; Gardiner, S.R., London, 1894

Gibson: "A History of the County and City of Cork"; Gibson, C.B.; reprint, Fercor Press, Cork, 1974

McLysaght: "Irish Life in the 17th Century", McLysaght, E., Dublin, 1969

O'Brien: "Munster at War", O'Brien, B., Cork, 1971

O'Hart:
a. "Irish Pedigrees", O'Hart, J., reprint Baltimore (U.S.A.), 1976
b. "The Irish & Anglo-Irish Landed Gentry when Cromwell came to Ireland", reprint Shannon, 1968

Phillimore: Indexes to Irish Wills", Phillimore, W., and Thrift, G., reprint 1970, Baltimore U.S.A)

Prendergast: "The Cromwellian Settlement of Ireland"; Prendergast, J.P., Dublin, 1922

Pinder: "The Census of Ireland", ed. Pinder, S.

Prince: "The Worthies of Devon"

PRO: Public Record Office, London.

Rogers: "Battles and Generals of the Civil War"; Rogers, H.C.B., London, 1968

Round: "The Ancestor", ed. J.H. Round, London, 1902-1905

Seymour: "The Puritans in Ireland", Seymour, St J.D., reprint, Oxford, 1969

Smith: History of Cork", Dr. C. Smith, reprint, Cork, 1973

Vicars: "The Prerogative Wills of Ireland", Vicars, A; Dublin, 1897


Jervois - Page 2
Endnotes:



1. Devon & Cornwall Notes & Queries, XVII 78
2. Prince, p. 408
3. Guillim, p. 217
4. correspondence, 23rd November, 1965
5. CSPD (PRO 1/102 ERD 2645) p. 495
6 . Round, Vol. 3, p. 6
7. CSPD (PRO 1/102 ERD 2645) p. 495
8. ibid, pp. 504 & 505
9. ibid, p. 532
10. ibid, (1/103) pp. 597 & 598
11. CSPI (PRO 19/94 ERD 2645) pp. 512, 514 & 515
12. Smith, Vol. 2, p. 160
13. D.N.B., sub "Townsend, Richard"
14. Prendergast, p. 192
15. CSPI (PRO 19/89 ERD 2645) pp. 15, 16 & 17
16. a: Dunlop, p. 575n ; b: CSPI, (PRO 19/94 ERD 2645) p. 415
17. a: CHAS, Vol. 20, p. 150 b: Firth, Vol. 2, p. 654
18. Fraser, p. 319 et seq.
19. Gardiner, Vol. 1, p. 118
20. Gibson, Vol. 2, pp. 98 - 101
21. O'Brien; page 151
22. Barnstaple parish register transcript, Soc. of Genealogists, London
23. Dring
24. CSPD, p. 588
25. Rogers, p. 301
26. CHAS, February, 1899
27. Dunlop, p. 425
28. CHAS, Vol. 21, p. 47
29. a: Books of Survey and Distribution, Wexford, pp 260 & 261 b: Index to the Townlands....of Ireland; Dublin, 1861
30. O'Hart, (a) Vol. 1, p. 200
31. Dunlop, p. 575
32. John Jervois' research into Chancery records
33. CSP (PRO 1/116 ERD 2645) p. 103
34. CSP (ADDENDA) (PRO 19/89 ERD 2645) p. 831
35. John Jervois' research in Chancery records
36. Pinder, p. 221
37. CSPI (PRO 19/94 ERD 2465) p. 415
38. O'Hart (b), p. 431
39. PRO (Dublin) - The O'Donovan documents, M7051 (14)
40. Betham
41. CHAS Vol. 1, No. 9, p. 391
42. Burke (1976), p. 622
43. Smith, Vol. 1, p. 271
44. Smith, Vol. 2, p. 156
45. PRO (Dublin) The O'Donovan documents, M7051 (8)
46 . Vicars, p. 413
47. John Jervois' research into the Depositions of Munster (TCD)
48. Betham
49. CHAS, Vol. 1, No. 9, p. 355.
50. CHAS, Vol. 1, p. 391
51. CHAS, Vol. 1, p. 393
52. Cork Marriage Licence Bonds
53. ibid.
54. John Jervois' research into Chancery records
55. a. Bennet, p. 262 b. "Index to the Chester Refugees", Trinity College, Dublin
56. John Jervois' research into Chancery records
57. CHAS, Vol. 1, No. 9, p. 399
58. ibid, p. 349
59. Phillimore, sub "Cork & Ross"
60. Smith, Vol. 1, p. 263